Aivars Ozolin sees Italy's trash crisis as a symbol of the state's weakness. "Italy is not any old EU country. It is among the six founding members of the European Coal and Steel Community, the basis of the European Community. Back in 1987 Italy's economic output was comparable to that of Great Britain. Now, even Spain – which only joined the EU in 1986 - is surpassing Italy. ... It is generally believed that the current crisis is caused by the Mafia, which wants to blackmail the authorities into paying more for garbage disposal. But the crisis also reveals the weakness of the central government and of the political system in Italy." (09/01/2008)

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Naples has the same problem as everyone else, suggests the Finnish paper: Everyone wants trash removal but no one wants dumps or incinerators in their backyard. "But the protests by residents are simply a part of the trash problem. Most of the blame goes to the administration and the politicians who aren't able to throw out the Camorra, which controls the trash business in Naples. ... Finally the government has held a crisis summit and has decided to take radical action to solve the problem. But is this plausible now ? It should have been dealt with long ago." (09/01/2008)

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The journalist and writer Pierluigi Battisti wonders if the waste disposal crisis in Naples will mark the end of the 'Second Republic'. This term refers to the political period that began fifteen years ago with the introduction of the majority vote. "Buried under a mountain of rubbish lie the remains of the Second Republic ... . The broken dream of a 'big change' is dumping its debris on a shameful wasteland. Buried in chaos and among the flames of Naples in revolt, the Italy of the Second Republic is taking the form of an accumulation of rubbish that television around the world is broadcasting non-stop like a humiliating symbol of our country. We are far from an Italian Renaissance. ... The blaze ignited in Naples is like a gigantic bonfire of the vanities." (09/01/2008)

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Tobias Piller describes how Naples' trash crisis developed over several years, so that increasing numbers of Neapolitans have turned the emergency into a career. "But the real geniuses were regional president Antonio Bassolino and his predecessor, Andrea Losco, who designed a trash separation system for Naples and the surrounding area: In 2000, about 2,400 garbagemen were hired to collect sorted waste, and 65 million euros were spent on machines and lorries - without any official application process, and cheered on by those in power. The lorries have disappeared. The garbage collectors openly admit that though they have been paid since 2000, they have not gathered a single kilo of trash. ... So the crisis may be a boon to those pulling the strings: If the problem supposedly must be dealt with quickly, it becomes much easier for them to eschew a transparent application process in favour of business associates and political cronies." (09/01/2008)

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For the columnist Daniel Vernet, former URSS satellite countries are having difficulty extracting themselves from 'sovietism'. "The culture of free, transparent, democratic ballots is far from anchored in Georgia. The same goes for other republics of the ex-USSR. Elections there are conceived as a way of giving a popular varnish to power, not as a way of ensuring changeover. The first reflex the authorities have is to manipulate the elections by borrowing various votes, which are more or less grotesque or sophisticated. The opposition's reflex is to contest the results before the election has even taken place. Political battles are not exempt of under the belt manoeuvres anywhere, but the 'kompromat', compromising material archived or fabricated by security services, remains, in these countries, a common means of discrediting political adversaries. Anyone who thinks otherwise is not an adversary, but an enemy to be defeated." (09/01/2008)

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The professor of philosophy Francis Cheneval, director of studies at the European Institute of the University of Geneva (IEUG), considers that "the logic of European integration is one of civil power, of building shared, or stratified identities and interdependent relations. The weakened intensity of passionate sentiment felt by Europeans towards such a decentred structure can also be seen as a clear sign that politics beyond passionate excess is possible. However, political romanticism may well be spurred if a powerful Europe is sought through a European state based on the model of great powers. A European centralisation would find itself dealing with bitterness when working towards a difficult long-term reunification. This dynamic is not very compatible with the idea of a European integration based on tolerance among communities and their various integration." (08/01/2008)

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Conservative columnist Daniel Finkelstein, former adviser to Prime Minister John Major, reflects on the future of right-wing politics. "The realisation that the Right has to change is taking hold in conservative parties all over the world. Modernisers in Australia, France, Denmark, Brazil, New Zealand, Canada, Sweden and, of course, Britain are among those most vigorously engaged in a debate about the common problems facing conservatives. Parties of the Left, based on universal ideas, have always co-operated. Conservatives parties, with their identity tied so closely to that of their nation, find it less easy to form international groupings. But now they face a series of common challenges. The first is the political success of the Clinton-Blair Third Way. ... Across the world left-wing parties have accepted capitalism and moderated. This requires conservative parties to move towards the centre to compete." (09/01/2008)

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In response to the press conference given by the French president on January 8th, the editorialist François-Xavier Pietri considers that it included "the first renunciation of the legislature. On the oh-so-central question of buying power- a topic at the heart of the presidential campaign and now the number one concern of the French, ahead of unemployment -, the president who has given up on 'emptying already empty cash registers', has recognised his impotence. In sum, the 14 billion [euros] reinjected into the French economy, the impact of which on buying capacity is not really measurable, is history and the State will not be reaching into its pocket , which has a hole in it, to fulfil the expectations of the French. For the first time, reality has caught up with Nicolas Sarkozy and his will power has been dampened." (09/01/2008)

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"Sarkozy has obtained something unique in France: he alone is in power, nobody else is overshadowing him", writes José Antich, chief editor of the daily, who admires the energy deployed by the French head of state. "The challenge he has set himself may however become problematic. The French don't expect the Prime Minister to adopt concrete economic measures. They have all understood that change is entirely dependent on Sarkozy. His frank and direct language is not however providing a solution for the daily problems faced by the French and only the announcements of projects are being multiplied. Many of these are indeed ambitious, but they can only be achieved in the long-term. Sarkozy was elected president because he personified the notion of change better than Ségolène Royal. Time is against him now ... . " (09/01/2008)

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On January 8th, Belgian Prime Minister Guy Verhofstadt presented a white paper to the king with proposals for institutional reforms, an issue that is deeply dividing the Flemish and the French-speakers. For Beatrice Delveaux, the paper is "realistic, consolidating on the one hand the idea of a strong federal state - desired by the French-speakers - and by according the regions large autonomy - as desired by the Flemish. ...The paper draughts a new model for the way Belgium functions and as a guarantee of future equity and efficiency proposes a true loyalty and good faith to the federal among the Flemish and the French-speakers. This is risky, maybe even shaky. But it is no doubt the only thing worth trying as Guy Verhofstadt avoids the inevitably explosive taboos (the enlargement of Brussels, the division of social security) and asks everyone to accept compromise. Recent history has proved it: this is the only method that would allow the country to subsist.” (09/01/2008)

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François Cherix, vice-president of the New European Movement Switzerland (Nomes), considers that the signature of the Lisbon Treaty obliges Switzerland to rethink its European policy. "Though modest, the relaunch of the EU is bustling a Confederation that is condemned to follow what it had chosen to turn its back on. At the same time, the desire expressed by the Treaty to prevent the Union from substituting the states that comprise it belies the fears of a country that refuses to partake in the decision-making it copies in Berne. ... The EU finds this strategy of 'always in, but sometimes out' rather laughable. As far as it is concerned, it is not very credible to want, for example to, to participate in a big European market while refusing to broach the questions of physicality it generates. In other words, the Union would like to know whether Switzerland intends to show solidarity with its fate or whether it should be considered a separate state with all the economic and political risks this entails". (09/01/2008)

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Yesterday, construction was halted on part of the new government quarter in Budapest, due to unresolved property claims. The Hungarian government seems dogged by bad luck, comments Péter N. Nagy: "Lately, the government has broken everything it's touched. … Its ideas are clever but its methods are clumsy. Little hurdles constantly pop up: With the new government quarter, it's about a few properties; with health reform, despite all the investment in it, high fees from providers are the problem; and the controversial subway project has run into a geological obstacle. These little stumbling blocks bring huge projects to a grinding halt." (09/01/2008)

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Poland is currently embroiled in debate about artificial insemination, which is not controlled by law. That is why couples are crossing the border from Germany for treatment. Poland's health minister, Ewa Kopacz, has now recommended that state health funds cover artificial insemination for Polish women. But the Catholic Church is for a total ban on such interventions. Says Marek Safjan: "Though Poland lacks a legal framework for biotechnology, there's a belief that we are the last bastion for the defence of traditional values against an attack by dangerous new technologies. At the same time, we can't manage to carry on an honest and comprehensive debate about this, in which we propose boundaries and guidelines for such interventions. If we don't discuss this, a legal void will result. And that's the worst imaginable solution." (07/01/2008)

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Robert Zitnansky is confident that Slovakia fulfils the criteria for entry into the Eurozone in 2009. But he wonders how left-populist Slovak Prime Minister Robert Fico will manage to convince pensioners and low-income constituents to support a speedy introduction of the currency. "These people do not go to Austria to do their shopping, to Spain on holiday or to Ireland for jobs. They'll only be frustrated by the euro and the likely higher prices that accompany it. The people fear monetary change and inflation more than anything. Voters will judge Fico by prices alone, not by the ups and downs of the market." (09/01/2008)

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On the hundredth anniversary of the birth of Simone de Beauvoir, literary scholar Barbara Vinken rereads her book, 'The Second Sex': "De Beauvoir remains a great analyst of passion, often read against the grain of her own philosophy. And she was an incorruptible observer of women, of the fears that a woman's success makes her less feminine while a man's success only confirms his masculinity; of the hypocrisies resulting when women are held to a marriage, and the often childish attempts at compensation and legitimization that result from it; of the inner conflict between career and femininity. Especially given that today's young women often feel emancipated – the question arises as to the source of their optimism – one must say the same about 'The Second Sex' as Diderot said about Richardson's bestseller 'Clarissa': Read de Beauvoir, don't put it down." (09/01/2008)

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The Estonian paper celebrates the success of Estonian films at festivals in 2007. But it doubts this trend can continue: "It's downright improper to speak of a boom in Estonian films, given current budgets and lack of studios. This is confirmed by director Veiko Õunpuu, whose film 'Sügisball' played a decisive role in the boom. Surely we have garnered more international attention. And the number of feature films is great in proportion to our population. But there's no cause for euphoria. Tiina Lokk, director of the Pimedate Ööde film festival, also notes that Estonian film has taken centre stage in Estonian cultural policy. But the industry is marked by a lack of funds." (09/01/2008)

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