Barbara Klimke analyses the reasons for Nicolas Sarkozy's "charm offensive" in the UK. "France depends on the alliance with the United Kingdom for the implementation of its strategic military plans. The old, tried and tested, highly institutionalised axis with Germany is indeed no longer sufficient, particularly since, following the Mediterranean Union dispute, relations with Germany are not at their best. Cooperation between two states may still be in keeping with the times when it comes to the construction of nuclear power stations, but global problems like climate change or terrorism can be solved neither at a national level nor bilaterally. Sarkozy ... therefore wants to break with a national taboo and strengthen his country's ties with NATO - a move which has been unthinkable since de Gaulle's times and which is highly controversial in France. In return for this Sarkozy will have to insist that the EU assumes a stronger role regarding future defence operations. This will no doubt require the use of stronger persuasion with the more eurosceptic Brit Gordon Brown than with German Chancellor Angela Merkel." (28/03/2008)

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The daily points out that, in the past, Franco-British entente "has always worked well when practised full-heartedly. ... The rapprochement observed over the past few days ... is thus good news. Especially if it allows a more balanced and multilateral picture for transatlantic relations after the election of the North American president in November. It can also provide greater stability for the internal functioning of the EU that is endlessly showing its weaknesses and cannot hide its need of a pragmatic thrust to help it out of its current state of institutional paralysis. ... In this respect, the proposal to bring France back into NATO's military structure and the offer to send an elite contingent to Afghanistan are important factors to be taken into account if the two countries want to efficiently face up to the numerous cracks that have been opened in the West's security since September 11th." (28/03/2008)

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Journalist Con Coughlin takes a sceptical view of Sarkozy's promise to provide the extra 1,000 troops that are desperately needed by Nato in Afghanistan. "Ever since Charles de Gaulle withdrew French forces from Nato command in 1966, the French position has been that any military deployment that France undertakes abroad must be conducted under French command. ... If Mr Sarkozy really is serious about bolstering France's military commitment to Afghanistan, he will do so only on France's terms. ... Suddenly, Mr Sarkozy's grand gesture does not look quite so grand after all. Nato might be desperate for more combat troops, but not at any price. Nor is there any suggestion that French troops will actually be involved in combat operations, even if the deployment goes ahead. At present, the 1,500 French troops in Afghanistan are nowhere near the main area of action, where the thankless task of trying to subjugate the Taliban has been left to the British, American, Canadian, Dutch and Danish troops... ." (28/03/2008)

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The French columnist Edwy Plenel is opposed to overly radical critics of Islam such as the Italian journalist Magdi Allam or the Dutch populist Geert Wilders. "The global condemnation of Islam in itself - and not just the political acts committed by violent minorities who proclaim it - is no less condemnable than the similar attitude towards other religions. All forms of monotheism have encountered their share of intolerance, inquisitors and sectarians. ... Beneath the apparent provocation, which encourages the extremists on the other side, it is a hateful refrain that is targeting those who practice this religion, the Muslims of Europe, our fellow citizens. And it would be a real victory for Osama bin Laden if our Judeo-Christian West ends up resembling him by adopting parallel hatred, with the Muslim 'Other' reduced to a religious identity and becoming an arch-enemy." (28/03/2008)

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On the 40th anniversary of Prague Spring, Czech writer Pavel Kohout talks in an interview with Andrzej Jagodziński about the events back then. Kohout was one of the 1968 dissidents and was expelled from the Communist Party in 1969. According to Kohout, the opposition suspected back then that the people wanted pluralism, a free market economy and withdrawal from the Warsaw Pact. "However, initially we hoped to achieve the changes within the system. Unfortunately, this didn't succeed. The Communist Party leadership, which had introduced reforms, capitulated shamefully and signed the Moscow Protocol. The only advantage of this was that from that moment on no one believed in the party." (27/03/2008)

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All available articles from » Pavel Kohout, » Andrzej Jagodziński

The documentary 'Fitna' made by the Dutch populist deputy Geert Wilders was briefly broadcast on the Website of his People's Party for Freedom and Democracy (VVD). Featuring images of 9/11 and other terrorist attacks accompanied by suras, he accuses the Koran of inciting violence. René van Rijckevorsel, Editor in Chief of the weekly, defends the broadcast of this film. "'Geert the madman', really doesn't deserve his nickname... . And if tomorrow incidents break out in the Muslim world or in the Netherlands, it will be the government's fault, because of its premature reactions [against the broadcasting of 'Fitna'] and its desire to spread panic. ... The second half of the film states facts and explains the consequences of the increasing numbers of Muslims in the Netherlands and in Europe. Wilders, as he has said himself, has stuck to the facts. These are facts that could just as easily be published in 'Elsevier'." (28/03/2008)

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All available articles from » René van Rijckevorsel

The Czech Republic and Slovakia have not yet recognised Kosovo's independence. Commentator Luboš Palata writes that this is because they are facing a dilemma: the two countries have always had a weakness for Serbia, with which they have strong economic ties. "Those who are pulling the brakes when it comes to recognising Kosovo don't realise that by doing so they are damaging the Serbs. They are giving the impression that the current status can be changed yet again, for example through the separation of the northern, Serbian part of Kosovo and its reintegration into Serbia. But this won't be possible without another war on the Balkans. A European future for both Kosovars and Serbs within the EU is the only formula for solving the problems not only of Kosovo, but also the entire, turbulent Balkans." (28/03/2008)

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All available articles from » Luboš Palata

A new crossing point is due to be opened soon in Nicosia, a city across which a dividing line runs, between the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (RCTN) and Southern Cyprus. For the southern Cypriot daily, "the opening of this crossing point [on Ledra street] is an encouraging gesture, providing hope for the reunification of the island. This has nothing to do with the fall of the Berlin Wall. The Greek and Turkish Cypriot leaders, Demetris Christofias and Mehmet Ali Talat, have decided to work together. Despite everything, the atmosphere is tense. Especially when Ali Talat announces that the Turkish military troops will not be leaving the island for the time being. . ... While there is a shared desire to destroy the wall, it remains to be seen whether or not the Turkish and Greek Cypriots will manage to live together after a 34 year separation. The large majority considers itself ready, the elite a bit less. The two leaders, old friends, will thus have their strength of conviction and ability to deal with international pressure put to the test." (28/03/2008)

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In June, the EU will reach a decision about whether to apply the protective clauses against Romania in view of its stalled judicial and agricultural reforms. The newspaper describes the possible consequences for the country's economy: "The sword of Damocles is hanging over Romania. ... If Romania's judiciary doesn't measure up to European standards, foreign investors will stay away because there are neither rules offering legal protection nor institutions to apply them. Romania has European laws, but they are not being applied in a European way. ... Yet Romania desperately needs major foreign investments to make Romanian products more competitive, increase exports and boost production capacities so it can reduce its trade deficit." (28/03/2008)

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More from the press review on the subject » EU Policy, » Economic Policy, » Romania

Karl-Heinz Büschemann calls for Chinese investors to be allowed to invest in Germany. "In no other foreign country are German companies building so many factories, and for no other market are the expectations so high. But he who values the Chinese as customers can't reject them as investors. Besides, there's no reason to do so. Over the past few years China's economic power has proved to be a stabilising factor in the global economy. With its huge foreign exchange reserves China finances the US's excess and debt-ridden economy. This way it ensures that the world's strained financial markets don't plunge into a crisis - and this is very much in its own interest. If the dollar ceases to be the base currency, the People's Republic of China will loose a large part of its national assets, which are invested in foreign currency. In these circumstances the general assumption that the Chinese have obscure and political motives for their foreign investments seems very naive." (28/03/2008)

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Prompted by the Slovakian media's protest action yesterday, Josef Kirchengast compares the situation of the media in the different countries of Eastern Europe. He notes that the Slovak Prime Minister is by no means the only head of government trying to exercise censorship in Central Europe: "His Slovenian counterpart, Janez Janša, who is on the other side politically, is facing irrefutable accusations that he is restricting the freedom of the media through more or less subtle methods. Janša's supporters have brought charges against 571 people who signed a journalists' petition against censorship. In Hungary, during his term as prime minister, Viktor Orban, the current right-wing nationalist leader of the opposition, had 'black lists' of journalists compiled. And in Poland the previous nationalist conservative government was permanently at war with the independent media. ... In the Czech Republic, there has been a tradition of heads of government making attacks and threats against the media ever since the fall of communism. But in none of the cases listed above have the governments in question been able to prevent being voted out of office with their attempts to intimidate and discipline the media." (28/03/2008)

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On March 27th, a group of 13 professionals from the French film industry published a report containing propositions for how to improve public financing of films. For Gérard Lefort, while the box office is looking good, "the French exception is nonetheless a little hackneyed, diminished even to the extent that a large proportion of subsidies are no longer given to those who take the risk of making alternative films, while mainstream television channels have, by force of cost inflation, become the biggest producers of French film. ... The manifesto is of particular importance because it federates the different trades of the film industry, from screen-writing through to distribution and exportation. It also represents a coming of age with adult propositions being made after a period of adolescent, churlishness and moaning. This well-documented report is a goldmine of ideas for reform. To discuss them and apply some would be an exemplary demonstration of modern cultural policy." (28/03/2008)

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All too soon, Estonians are taking their own state, for which they once fought hard, for granted, writes journalist Vilja Kiisler. "For some time now it's become increasingly seldom to hear the phrase 'former Soviet Union'. Our state is taken for granted. But it has also become something one can complain about. We can insult our president and our prime minister, and we can say whatever we like about our parliament. We do this as if we had forgotten that this is our own state, for the freedom of which we were once prepared to live on potato peelings. When we complain we fail to realise that we should be delighted that we are no longer arrested for our comments. We can call our prime minister a pig and no one will come knocking on our door at night because of it." (28/03/2008)

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Joe Moran teaches cultural history at Liverpool John Moores University. He ponders the sympathy Britons display for animals killed on roads. "All across the country, in a seasonal arc starting in Cornwall in late February and reaching the frozen north in April, toads are crossing roads. In these epic journeys to their spawning grounds, many are crushed by cars or suffer drawn-out deaths trapped in roadside drains. So a very British (or, more specifically, southern English) institution has evolved: the toad patrol, in which volunteers work through wet nights to carry these animals across roads in buckets. Other nationalities do not seem to be burdened by the same duty of care. ... In the US, you can buy roadkill colouring books for children, and the word has taken on a more general meaning as something that is useless or redundant ('I'm just roadkill in the kitchen'). Some Australian restaurants, meanwhile, will allow patrons to bring in their own roadkill to be cooked." (28/03/2008)

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More from the press review on the subject » Environmental Policy, » Public Culture, » United Kingdom
All available articles from » Joe Moran