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Populism – a hindrance for political socialisation?
by Florian Hartleb
Often, teenagers feel themselves misunderstood by politicians. Parties and governments do not seem authentic to them. Does this so-called "political querulousness” have the consequence that young people in particular favour populist politicians? And how do the populists present their argumentation?
In the eyes of many young people in Germany, politicians no longer defend the immediate interests of their voters. They are viewed more as functionaries of distant political parties and the governing apparatus. It is not even clear to them what the point of political parties is at all.

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Politicians and parties are evidently ever less capable of offering young people positive visions of the future which can help them to orient themselves and find a sense of meaning.[1] This explains why analyses of political socialisation are currently enjoying a boom. Three phenomena have come to the fore: an increasing lack of willingness to participate in politics (so-called "political moroseness”)[2]; right-wing extremism and xenophobia[3]; and the persistent differences between East and West Germany.[4] But the research to date has overlooked the extent to which populism influences political socialisation.
At first sight, to make a distinction between populism and extremism might seem to be splitting hairs. But populism cannot be used as a substitute concept for extremism. There can but does not need to be an overlap between the two.[5] Populism is per se neither democratic nor anti-democratic. It is instead an aspect of the variety and diversification of political cultures and structures. Populism can be compatible with democracy, although this point is often contested and called into question. Is populism a hindrance or is it an important, even necessary, component of political socialisation? This question is all the more pressing against the background of the fact that there are obviously plenty of populist elements in everyday politics, precisely strengthened by the appearance of new types of genuinely populist parties in Western Europe.
[1] See KLAUS HURRELMANN et. al., Eine Generation von Egotaktikern? Ergebnisse der bisherigen Jugendforschung in ed. Deutsche Schell, Jugend 2002. Zwischen pragmatischem Idealismus und robustem Materialismus, Frankfurt am Main, 2002, p.43f.
[2] See inter alia KAI ARZHEIMER, Politikverdrossenheit. Bedeutung, Verwendung und empirische Relevanz eines politikwissenschaftlichen Begriffs, Opladen 2002.
[3] WILHELM HEITMEYER, Rechtsextremistische Orientierungen bei Jugendlichen. Empirische Untersuchungsergebnisse und Erklärungsmuster einer Untersuchung zur politischen Sozialisation, Weinheim-München 1995.
[4] See DIETMAR STURZBECHER, ed., Jugend in Ostdeutschland: Lebenssituationen und Deliquenz, Opladen 2001.
[5] See FRANK DECKER, Der neue Rechtspopulismus, Opladen 2004.
Florian Hartleb is a political scientist and lecturer at the Technical University of Chemnitz.
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Translation
Dr. John Laughland
Original in German
Published 10/10/2005
First published in Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte (41/2005)
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The text is licensed under Creative Commons license by-nc-nd/2.0/de.
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