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07/09/2008

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The Independent - United Kingdom | 05/09/2008

Liberal conservatism

David Cameron, leader of the British Conservative Party, explains in The Independent his philosophy of "liberal conservatism": "Liberal because I believe in freedom, human rights and democracy, and I want to see more of these things in our world. But Conservative, because I believe strongly in the continued relevance of the nation state and because I am sceptical of grand utopian schemes to re-make the world according to a politician's timetable. My instinct is to work patiently with the flow of culture, tradition and history. For me, democracy is not just a goal in itself. It is our best available mechanism for lasting good government that delivers economic, social and environmental progress. ... Not losing confidence in freedom, human rights and democracy: that is the liberal part of liberal Conservatism, and we should welcome the opportunity to make the case for the open and plural society once again. But we should also remember the Conservative part. We should accept that we cannot impose democracy at the barrel of a gun; that we cannot drop democracy from 10,000 feet – and we shouldn't try. That was what was wrong with the 'neo-con' approach, and why I am a liberal Conservative, not a neo-Conservative." (05/09/2008)

Le Monde - France | 04/09/2008

Where do Europe's borders lie?

With an eye to the crisis in the Caucasus, Le Monde takes a closer look at prospective EU member states and the question of Europe's borders. "The crisis in Gerogia and its spread to other neighbours of Russia like Ukraine or Moldova gives new urgency to the question of Europe's borders. ... No doubt it is impossible to say in advance where the European Union ends, but the question nevertheless arises every time the [possible] candidacy of a new state is referred to more or less openly. Turkey's candidacy has been on the agenda for several years, as has that of the western Balkans. ... EU membership for these countries could be considered more seriously in response to Russia's attempt to reinstate its old spheres of influence. However any further enlargement is a long way off, since none of the countries concerned is ready to join. But the simple fact of holding the door open a crack ... would be a good way of demonstrating Europe's solidarity and above all of encouraging these countries to modernise and come closer to their prospective partner. The time seems to have come to send out a message of hope. ... Europe must consolidate its eastern borders as well as it can. ... That may weaken its identity, but it will strengthen its role in the world." (04/09/2008)

El País - Spain | 04/09/2008

Europe needs its own foreign policy

The daily El País examines current international policy in the context of the past few centuries and advises Europe to develop its own independent foreign policy: "The real question [after the Cold War ended] and now is: does the unilateral dominance of the US guarantee world peace or must world peace be based on a multilateral order that ... puts the common good before individual interests. The US made the grave mistake of relying on the unilateral defence of its absolute hegemony. ... The events in Georgia and Russia's actions, which were preceded by similar actions by the West in the case of Kosovo, as well as Russian President Dmitry Medvedev's attempt to gain Chinese support for his actions make it clear which direction international policy is taking: the forging of alliances based on common interests with the goal of defending one's own interests and defining those of others. In this context Europe must ask itself a few questions: must it always play the role of the US's sidekick within NATO? Could Europe not adopt its own stance on Russia, one that takes account of its energy dependency as well as the problems that will arise between Russia and China regarding Siberia? Is it not likely that the US will soon focus on developing a special relationship with China ... and downgrade its relations with Europe?" (04/09/2008)

The Guardian - United Kingdom | 04/09/2008

Ethnic cleansing in South Ossetia?

Writing in The Guardian, historian Timothy Garton Ash accuses Russian militias of ethnic cleansing in South Ossetia, and reflects on the attitude Europe should adopt toward Russia. "What we need is a twin-track approach, combining elements of muscular deterrence and skilful engagement - if you will, of cold war and detente. ... Our new working assumption, however, must be that it will for the foreseeable future remain Putin's Russia: a ruthless great power, determined to roll back the influence of the west and establish its own 19th-century style sphere of influence in the post-Soviet space. ... Europe must do what it can for Georgia, including a visible presence on the ground. But strategically even more important is to do what it can for Ukraine, ... The EU should now give Ukraine a clear perspective of membership. ... Our response should be realistic in assessing not just Russia, but our strengths and weaknesses. Russia does tanks. Europe is not good at doing stuff with tanks. But we do a thousand other things, each smaller, softer and slower than a tank, which, given time and the perspective of eventual membership, can be a force more powerful. This European model is now on trial." (04/09/2008)

Die Zeit - Germany | 03/09/2008

A heavy communist legacy

The Caucasus crisis has its roots in Georgia's excessive nationalism, writes Russian philosopher Michail Ryklin in the German weekly Die Zeit, noting that nationalist trends are also a problem in other post-Soviet countries. "The dreams of the nationalists were dashed when Georgia was left destitute following the break-up of the Soviet Union. ... The possession or lack of property should not [however] lead one to draw far-reaching moral conclusions. ... And who are these 'Russians' and 'Georgians' anyway? Most of them are post-Soviet people who think they have returned to their national niches after the end of the Great Terror - as if the Terror had not left them with deep wounds that would take decades to heal, as if their nation would not feel the phantom pains of the Soviet era. ...  The refusal to confront their own past is bringing wars and conflict to the post-Soviet region. Regardless of the form the rhetoric takes nationalism is flourishing, and democratic rhetoric is no exception here. ... A return to Europe can only be achieved by confronting the recent totalitarian past and those mechanisms that reduced the Russians, Ukrainians, Belarusians, Kyrgyz and Georgians to the same servitude. Only when this work has been done can our concepts of Europe become more complex, nuanced and - what is more important - realistic." (03/09/2008)

Financial Times - United Kingdom | 03/09/2008

The end of hegemony

Columnist Martin Wolf describes the upcoming American presidential elections in the Financial Times as the last vestiges of Anglo-American global hegemony: "They [the Democratic candidate Barack Obama and the Republican candidate John McCain] also reflect divergent elements in the tradition: the instincts for conflict and for co-operation. The first instinct seeks enemies and the latter deals. The former is manichean and the latter conciliatory. ... This presidential election might well determine the character of the next, possibly final, epoch of Anglo-American global hegemony. The question is whether the American people will choose the instinct for conflict or that for co-operation. ... Neither Mr McCain nor Mr Obama will, in practice, embrace just one alternative. Nor will just one approach be the only answer. But the difference in tendency is clear. Is the US girding its loins for another great crusade against evil? Or is it prepared to sit down with the rest of the world and talk. The right approach for today's complex world is not that of those who see agreement and appeasement as synonyms. The choice seems clear. It will shape our era." (03/09/2008)

Kristeligt Dagblad - Denmark | 02/09/2008

Ikea and infantilisation

The daily Kristeligt Dagblad sees Swedish furniture store Ikea's catalogue as a symbol of the growing infantilisation of society. "Not only does the catalogue address its customers with the informal 'du' form, the tone of its text leaves one with the impression that it is aimed at an audience of eleven to twelve-year-olds. ... In addition to its attempt to make children of its customers Ikea is on a moral crusade based on the desire to achieve equality through low prices. ... And equality, according to Ikea, entails everyone being able to buy nice furniture, the implication being that no one should be more distinguished than anyone else in society. In this struggle for middle classness ... we have a fitting example of what [philosopher] Søren Kierkegaard describes as the great levelling of modern times. An attempt to erase all differences between people, which in Kierkegaard's universe leads above all to envy, pettiness and a focus on anything but the intellectual. The Ikea catalogue is a case study for this targeted, levelling movement. ... Ikea presents itself as a caring father figure eager to ensure that all children receive the same treatment. ... The Ikea catalogue encourages [its reader] to dream of revolution and the liberation of the simple. But it also makes you think there are many people out there who would be very happy to be put in a big nursery where all the problems disappear. And where one is spoken to as if one had never left [that nursery]." (02/09/2008)

Monitor - Bulgaria | 02/09/2008

The new multi-polar world

Monitor newspaper writes that the Caucasus conflict has revealed the new face of world politics. "The conflict in Georgia escalated into a major international crisis and highlighted some fundamental changes. There is no need to speak of a new Cold War, because we no longer have the global opposition of West and East locked in ideological conflict. ... Certainly, we cannot yet talk of a unified Europe, united in NATO and the EU, with its doors open to the east. Apparently the voices of concern from across the Atlantic which cast Russia in the role of a geopolitical counterweight to the US are not exaggerated. In this geopolitical panorama, the influence of the new Asian colossus cannot be overstressed. After roughly 20 years of American dominance, we have entered a multi-polar world. Its centres are first and foremost the American global power, but also the EU, Russia and China - and soon India as well. Until now the hegemony of the US has been advantageous in maintaining global stability. But after the conflict in Georgia it has become clear that those times are gone." (02/09/2008)

Jyllands-Posten - Denmark | 01/09/2008

The end of a world order

Following the war in the Caucasus and the recognition of the independence of South Ossetia and Abkhazia by Russian President Dmitry Medvedev the daily anticipates the emergence of a new world order. "With Russian President Dmitry Medvedev's recognition of South Ossetia and Abkhazia the old world order that was established under the leadership of the US after the end of the Cold War collapsed. ... After the events in Georgia we said farewell to the world of yesterday. We still do not know what will replace it. But what is for certain is that establishing a new order will be one of the most important challenges facing the new US president. The best the West can do to spread democracy and freedom is to make itself independent of oil and gas from Russia and the Middle East as soon as possible." (01/09/2008)

Lluís Foix Blog - Spain | 01/09/2008

The new course in global politics

Lluís Foix, former chief editor of the daily La Vanguardia, writes in his blog about the dawn of a new era in global politics. "Politics is taking a new direction. The major framework for this is the elections in the US which will shape the trend in the coming months. ... But America's hegemony is no longer intact. Russia wants to win back its lost territory and will look for excuses to exploit its energy and political potential. The US has positioned troops in Central Asia and [Russian Prime Minister Vladimir] Putin has shown Ukraine and other Baltic states that there will be a price to pay for too strong an alliance with the West. China is growing at a colossal rate and wants the world to listen to it and respect it. ... Europe is preoccupied with its remarkable pacifism and is in no position to demand further efforts from its citizens. Of the four great regions of power Europe is the weakest and at the same time the strongest. It is still expanding and acts like a magnet for all the neighbours knocking on its doors." (01/09/2008)


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