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Populism – a hindrance for political socialisation?, by Florian Hartleb

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Conclusions

Contemporary populism sniffs out treachery, deception and lies. As a "cult of the ordinary man” it puts claims out in the public space - but no proofs - and peddles these as the truth. Political issues are often reduced to an easily comprehensible experience. This mechanism brings the observer into the private sphere of everyday life, where articulating a phrase can bring a discussion to an end or solve a complex problem. Transferred into politics, such an "argumentation model” means the strong simplification of complex situations. The Gordian knot of modern politics is cut with the sword of folksy suggestions and know-all patent recipes.

The truisms spread by populists allow "the existing” to be decisively rejected without further ado. Everything is "natural” and that is how public and private life should be organised. Populism latches on to "good common sense” and to popular traditions, and it thereby mobilises hidden desires and suppressed contradictions. It portrays social conflict in an undifferentiated fashion, bolstered by the charm of having simple and quick solutions to hand. The moral categories of populism are not suited to nuances – there is only black or white. This bodes only ill for political socialisation. Political socialisation does not need straw fires but instead long term discussions. The categories of populism – the "us group” and the "charismatic leader personality” – impede healthy political socialisation. The social exclusion and the catchphrases of a charismatic leader figure who presents himself as unorthodox have negative effects. The question then arises as to the pedagogical methods of prevention and intervention, as the findings of the opinion poll about the Schill party show.

Communicating successes

In an age of high unemployment, the structural crisis of the welfare state, social weakening and the failure of political vision, it is essential to encourage hope and trust. If the opinion gains currency among schoolboys and girls that they will not get a job or a pension, then the way is opened up towards the acceptance of simple catchphrases and big-mouthed promises. Pedagogical measures to strengthen responsibility, initiative and creativity represent a break from that very sadness about the everyday situation which political socialisation bodies precisely communicate given today's problems. This distance from everyday life seems necessary to give young people the possibility of trying out and practising new forms of action. The concomitant learning process is completed by studying experiences.

Discussions oriented towards solutions

However paradoxical it may seem, the fears which populism articulates (of Islam, of immigration, of the American world power, of the return of fascism, of unemployment or of social decline are enduring and they must be taken seriously. It therefore has become impossible for those in positions of responsibility to respond atavistically by closing their eyes to reality without collapsing into hysteria or panic. For non-populists this represents an immense challenge: they must, as Ralf Dahrendorf shows, avoid great simplifications and yet make complex issues comprehensible.[1] This means discussing and unmasking populist catchphrases without falling into dull general accusations.

In 2005, the search for scapegoats for the bad economic situation led not only The Left (Die Linke) party under Gregor Gysi and Oskar Lafontaine towards populism but also politicians from established parties, such as Edmund Stoiber's attributions of guilt ("Gerhard Schröder is guilty of the victory of the National Party of Germany in Saxony”) or Franz Muntefering's criticism of capitalism ("a scarecrow”). It is increasingly difficult to deny reality. Discussions oriented towards finding solutions should precisely serve to show the complexity of cause and effect, while at the same time remembering that politics lives and has always lived on simplification and sharpening, especially in election campaigns. It may be that the strength of those decision-makers is growing who put truthfulness above untenable promises about social good deeds, and who are therefore prepared to take a risk. This would be of great benefit to the process of political socialisation.

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