British historian Henry Kamen uses the case of the arrest of Radovan Karadžić, the former leader of the Bosnian Serbs, to examine the question of whether the sentencing of an alleged war criminal before the International Court of Justice can help to resolve a conflict. "The sentence against Karadžić, who is held responsible for the deaths of 20,000 people, was an important symbolic gesture. But will it resolve the causes for the bloody conflict in Bosnia? ... One suspects that the trial in The Hague is little more than a Roman Circus Maximus in which the persecutors isolate and destroy their prey. The judges who condemn him will demonstrate that they have defended civilisation against barbarism. We can sleep more peacefully and wait until the next regional leader in some remote corner of the world provides us with a new Banja Luka, a new Srebrenica. Once again a world power, perhaps this time under Obama's leadership, will march into a country. And when it's all over only the regional leader will be sentenced before the International Court of Justice. And once again we can sleep peacefully knowing that another war criminal has been caught." (14/08/2008)

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Journalist David Brooks describes in the International Herald Tribune the difference between Western individualism and Asian collectivism: "You can create a global continuum with the most individualistic societies - like the United States or Britain - on one end, and the most collectivist societies - like China or Japan - on the other. ... Individualistic societies have tended to do better economically. We in the West have a narrative that involves the development of individual reason and conscience during the Renaissance and the Enlightenment, and then the subsequent flourishing of capitalism. According to this narrative, societies get more individualistic as they develop. ... But what happens if collectivist societies snap out of their economic stagnation? What happens if collectivist societies, especially those in Asia, rise economically and come to rival the West? A new sort of global conversation develops. ... The opening ceremony in Beijing was a statement in that conversation. It was part of China's assertion that development doesn't come only through Western, liberal means, but also through Eastern and collective ones. ... The rise of China isn't only an economic event. It's a cultural one. The ideal of a harmonious collective may turn out to be as attractive as the ideal of the American Dream. ... It's certainly a useful ideology for aspiring autocrats." (13/08/2008)

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In the Hungarian weekly Élet és Irodalom political expert Petronella Eszter Soós comments on French President Nicolas Sarkozy's foreign policy and the role of France in the EU. "During both the De Gaulle era and the times of Jacques Chirac, European integration and French-American relations were often interpreted on an either/or basis. There can be no talk of this under Nicolas Sarkozy. In contrast to Chirac, Sarkozy is acting very openly towards the US because in his eyes good relations between the two states are strategically important. ... According to Sarkozy, weakening the US would be a short-sighted policy. ... Consequently Sarkozy is often described as an advocate of Atlantism. This is an overstatement. It would perhaps be more fitting to describe him as a friend of America's. ... In the Sarkozy era, the pragmatic Gaullist stance, according to which France has its own interests and defends them tooth and nail on the international stage, lives on. Sarkozy has never deviated from this standpoint. ... However Sarkozy has come to the conclusion that France's interests are best represented within the framework of the EU. This is why he is taking France's EU presidency so seriously." (12/08/2008)

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Chris Patten, former EU Commissioner for foreign relations, analyses in the daily Helsingin Sanomat the effect a non-adoption of the Treaty of Lisbon would have on crisis management of the EU: "It is too often forgotten in the debate over the Treaty of Lisbon what the proposed changes would mean for the most important tasks facing the EU beyond its borders. ... In an attempt to stabilise and reconstruct, ... the EU has provided important military assistance ... in a number of problem zones. ... Perhaps the biggest success in recent history is the common foreign and security policy regarding Bosnia and Herzegovina. ... Of course, each of these operations also had its weaknesses. ... Above all, critics are right to condemn institutional sluggishness and inefficiency. ... The Treaty of Lisbon ... would in part solve these problems. ... As a legal entity, the EU could act on behalf of its member states. ... Procedures would be sped up by broadening the scope of qualified majority decisions. ... At the same time the Treaty would facilitate the prevention and settlement of conflicts - that means [more] lives would be saved. ... It would be extremely regretable for the process to come to a halt now." (12/08/2008)

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In the news magazine Revista 22 British historian Tom Gallagher casts a critical glance at relations between the Romanian state and the EU. "A serious alarm signal ... was the success of Bucharest's [political] elite in establishing an influential lobby for Romania within the complex multidimensional institutions that govern the EU. Bucharest went about this cleverly by offering infrastructure projects to both economic players that have clout in Brussels and those parties that dominate some of the Union's core states. Thanks to this lobby Romania, which was on a long list [of candidates still waiting for membership], was able to join [the EU]. ... The EU Commission's report of 24 July reveals ... a judicial system that is largely under the control of corrupt forces. In this context it has become clear that the EU lacks the political will to impose sanctions on Romania. The social democrats and the liberals in the European Parliament have drawn ever closer to the power and interest groups that rule Romania behind the scenes. This reality makes the idea that the European Parliament, which is governed by reciprocal interests, will ever be capable of representing the interests of the average European citizen appear unlikely." (11/08/2008)

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American intellectual Naomi Wolf writes in Dagens Nyheter newspaper about the many images and reports of torture and war crimes commited by Americans, which most of her countrymen disavow. Openly doubting her feelings of patriotism, she cries out to the world: please, stop us! "Americans worry about their weight and then go shopping," she writes. "We have become a lawless nation, a threat to international law and stability in the civilised countries that were once our allies. For good reason we figure on Canada's list of brutal countries that use torture. ... We Americans are not able to help ourselves. Like drug addicts or mental patients who refuse treatment, we depend on our friends to act. Remember that we have seen better times. Take steps to save us and the world from ourselves. Perhaps then I will be able to love my country once more." (11/08/2008)

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In an article entitled "Catastrophe Capitalism", author and globalisation critic Naomi Klein reflects in La Vanguardia on current developments in the global economy, touching among other issues on the Iraq War: "Some of the architects of the Iraq War do not even deny that the prime motivation for the invasion was oil. Fadhil Chalabi, one of the key advisors to the Bush government in the months before the war, recently said that the invasion was 'a strategic action taken by the USA and the UK in the Persian Gulf to  secure oil supplies'. Occupying another state to use its natural resources violates the Geneva Convention. That means that rebuilding the infrastructure in Iraq - including the oil infrastructure - is the task of the invaders. They must pay reparations. (Let us not forget that Saddam Hussein's regime had to pay Kuwait 9 billion dollars in reparations after the 1990 invasion.) Instead, Iraq is being forced to sell 75 percent of its natural resources to pay for an illegal invasion and occupation." (11/08/2008)

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In the liberal-left weekly Magyar Narancs political scientist Anna Unger sees the future of the EU in a federalist structure: "In the past eight years political integration in the EU has come to a standstill. The last major reform was carried out under the auspices of the 'Treaty of Nice' (2000). Apparently the current system for decision-making within the EU is unable to provide adequate responses to global problems, and this only fuels Euro-pessimism. European integration has reached its limits under the current system. In its present form it cannot progress any further. ... The system of EU institutions is appallingly complex and lacking in transparency, and EU citizens are quite right to reject it. ... The time has come to make a great leap forwards. The current political UFO should be transformed into a genuine federation. ... German or US federalism could serve as a model: it must be clear which powers lie with the federal government and which belong to the states. .... It is indispensable that we create a federalist system if we want a competitive EU. .... Europe's citizens have rejected both the so-called 'constitutional treaty' and the 'Treaty of Lisbon. Why should they say yes to a federal Europe? Because there is no alternative." (08/08/2008)

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Le Monde analyses the European future of the Balkans: "The arrest of Radovan Karadžić, the former political leader of the Bosnian Serbs, ... should give new impetus to the process of EU accession. The EU has given priority status to the accession of the countries of former Yugoslavia and neighbouring Albania. ... EU expansion in the Western Balkans is viewed by Europeans as the best means of securing stability and development in the region. ... According to experts at the European Policy Centre think tank in Brussels, the difficulty for the European Union consists in balancing two strategies. The first is maintaining order in a region which is not yet entirely peaceful. The other is securing the transition of the Western Balkans to Europe. ... To ... permit a true 'Europeanisation' of the Western Balkans, ... the Union must demonstrate its unflinching commitment. ... Yet both sides harbour doubts as far as the political will of the other is concerned. The time has come to dispel these doubts. We must speak clearly, to establish mutual trust and make the 'European perspective' a reality for the countries of this region as soon as possible." (07/08/2008)

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Ian Burama, professor for human rights at Bard College in New York, expresses concern that the Belgian crisis could endanger European unity: "What is happening in Belgium is unusual, but not at all unique. The Czechs and Slovaks already parted ways, as did the different nations of Yugoslavia. Many Basques would like to break away from Spain, as would many Catalans. Corsicans would love to be rid of France, and many Scots of Britain. ... No doubt some of these peoples would be able to survive perfectly well on their own. But history does seem to suggest that the cumulative effect of states falling apart is seldom positive. ... Nation-states were often formed in the 18th and 19th centuries to promote common interests that transcended cultural, ethnic, linguistic, or religious differences. ... The problem now is that interests are no longer the same, or even held in common. The European Union, which actively promotes regional interests, has weakened the authority of national governments. Why rely on London, say the Scots, if Brussels offers greater advantages? ... The fate of Belgium should interest all Europeans, especially those who wish the Union well. For what is happening in Belgium now could end up happening on a continental scale. ... We know what happened when the twin pulls of blood and soil determined European politics before. Without having intended it, the EU now seems to be encouraging the very forces that postwar European unity was designed to contain." (07/08/2008)

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