Italian voters block Meloni's justice reform

Italy has voted against judicial reform in a referendum. A 54-percent majority rejected the constitutional amendment required for the project for which Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni had campaigned. Even before the vote, Meloni ruled out stepping down in the event of defeat. Two senior civil servants in the Ministry of Justice have already resigned.

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Contributors (RO) /

Avoiding Romania's mistakes

The strict separation of the career paths of judges and prosecutors will not be introduced now. That is a good thing, argues former judge Cristian Danileț in the Contributors blog, because it has not proven its worth in Romania:

“The real question is whether prosecutors should remain part of the judiciary, with a constitutional and legal status robust enough to withstand political pressure. … We see the results of this in Romania: prosecutors are virtually non-existent, many long-concluded cases are being reopened, judges wield arbitrary power, and there are constant issues with the statute of limitations. Romania, that was once ridiculed as the 'prosecutors' republic', is now a 'paradise for criminals', and everyone is smiling knowingly.”

La Repubblica (IT) /

Scapegoats have already been found

The prime minister is refusing to look in the mirror, comments La Repubblica:

“In the aftermath of the referendum tsunami that has swept away her majority and inevitably called her leadership into question, Meloni has no interest in making a personal political admission before Parliament and the public, but is focusing instead on some rigorous spring cleaning within the party. This allows her to offload the responsibilities and costs of the political bankruptcy of her referendum adventure – one she knowingly led in the belief of certain victory – onto a makeshift collection of scapegoats.”

The Irish Times (IE) /

Eroded political stability

For The Irish Times, the referendum result is a signal of widespread dissatisfaction:

“It is the first significant defeat for Meloni's coalition, which has overseen a rare period of political stability. It will embolden the opposition parties as the long run-in gets underway to the 2027 election. Meloni is rejecting the claim that the defeat was an 'eviction notice', but she will recognise an unsettled electorate, worried about the cost of living and the economic outlook.”

taz, die tageszeitung (DE) /

The left can build momentum

Meloni's setback has put wind in the sails of the left, comments the taz's Italy correspondent, Michael Braun:

“Meloni must now entertain some serious doubts about her victory in the 2027 general election that would have been considered a certainty if she had won the referendum; also regarding her plan to ultimately install a pro-right president in 2029, or even to stand for that office herself. For the first time in decades the Italian left can celebrate a real victory. ... Italy's centre-left forces can build on the political momentum gained from their clear win in the referendum campaign, with a strong chance of success in the 2027 general election.”

Corriere del Ticino (CH) /

A lot more at stake

It was the extreme politicisation of the referendum that fuelled the 'no' vote, writes Corriere del Ticino:

“The rejection can be explained by reasons that have very little to do with the complex issue of separating the careers of judges and prosecutors and reforming judicial oversight. The bitter, fiercely contested and at times violent campaign on both sides ultimately turned the vote on the constitutional amendment into a trial of strength for the incumbent government. … Italy's prime minister won't resign, but the government has been weakened after four years of undeniable stability. Ultimately, contrary to the best intentions of its supporters, the reform turned out to be a showdown between politicians and the judiciary.”

Le Temps (CH) /

Rejected for a host of good reasons

Le Temps lists reasons for Meloni's defeat:

“The incredibly complex title of the reform did not speak to Italians. Our neighbours might criticise a certain corporatism among the judges and state prosecutors, but concern about political interference in the judicial system is far greater. ... One final factor must be taken into account when explaining Giorgia Meloni's defeat: Brussels. The EU was highly critical of this justice reform because it saw in it the potential to turn Italy into a regime 'à la Orbán' and to complicate the fight against corruption. ... A majority of Italians saw the reform as a Trojan horse, that would strengthen the Meloni camp's increasingly authoritarian grip on Italy.”

Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung (DE) /

The limits of her power

The Italian people have taught Meloni a lesson, the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung comments:

“Meloni may have said in her campaign that the referendum was about judicial reform, not her own political future. Yet she campaigned so hard that it did end up being a referendum about her. ... Whether Meloni and her coalition will still have the energy to push through their two other major reform projects – the electoral reform to strengthen the office of the head of government and the reform to expand regional autonomy – remains to be seen. There are certainly reasons to believe that the failed referendum on judicial reform has exposed the limits of Meloni's power.”

Corriere della Sera (IT) /

Time for applied democracy

Corriere della Sera sees the high turnout as an appeal for dialogue:

“It signals a revival of direct democracy, which seemed threatened by abstention. A massive turnout that legitimises the victory of the 'no' votes on judicial reform and the defeat of the government-backed 'yes' vote. Italy as a nation has voted, not a minority. ... Nevertheless, what has emerged is the image of a divided country. This should encourage not only the losers but also the winners to respect the opposing camp and to usher in a new phase together. It will be necessary to resume dialogue in parliament.”